The recent publication of Eric Lichtblau’s new revelatory book, The Nazis Next Door: How America Became a Safe Haven for Hitler’s Men, re-iterates an interesting trend the left continues to analyze and digest with recent (and somewhat sensationalist) headlines. This trend that I speak of is the link of key members of the U.S. state not only presenting open sympathy to fascists abroad (as well as internally with white supremacists), but open support, collusion, and protection for them politically.
This trend of what I would like to call the “Brown, White, and Blue” connection of the U.S. with fascistic regimes and groups abroad is interesting for coverage and analysis of Nazi’s affiliations with the United States intelligence community is nothing new. This recent round of essays however have had a stronger emphasis in past the literature surrounding the U.S. funding of fascist leaning underworld in the Mediterranean section of Europe through Operation GLADIO or CIA employment of Nazis post-WW II. However, the extent, as well as the detail appears to provide bridges to the serious gaps in the past research for many academics and citizens to feel empathy with those who suffered under not only the utter ambivalence the U.S. had to the rest of the world post WWII with re-employment/ protection of former war-criminals, but as well the open collusion and financial support of fascists abroad. The United States has secured quite well in the past to keep this open collusion with fascists an “open secret” up there within topics that have been forbidden with the national lexicon tallied with:
- Anti-Communist tactics
- Assaults on the workers movement
- Re-institution of explicitly white-supremacist structures within the U.S. state
- The epidemic and violent sexism amongst all communities
- The rabid imperialism
- The daily Native American genocide
- The occupation of Palestine by the so-called state of Israel.
General Patton, along with the Dulles Brothers, the Bushes, and other capitalists throughout the United States, held not contempt, but adoration towards the Nazi’s. Patton literally put former Nazi POW’s in charge of formerly imprisoned Holocaust survivors, seeing them as the most “competent” to overlook the former prisoners in similar conditions:
“It’s a remarkable saga and a fairly shameful period in postwar history. We sort of think of the concentration camps, you know, being liberated at Dachau, at Bergen-Belsen, at Auschwitz, by the U.S. and Britain and Russia. But liberation for the survivors who were left in the camps meant staying in those same camps, behind barb wire, under armed guard. And remarkably, sometimes they were supervised by the same Nazis who had lorded over them when the Germans were still in charge.
And there was a report to Truman from the dean of the University of Pennsylvania Law School, a guy named Earl Harrison, that compared the camps to the Nazi concentration camps, except that, Harrison wrote, the only difference is we’re not exterminating the Jews. And General Patton, who ran the camps as the supreme Allied commander for the United States after the war, was furious when he read Harrison’s findings to Truman. And he wrote in his own journal—and I looked at these. I found the remarks so troubling and so jarring, I thought maybe at first they were a forgery, but it turned out to be true. He wrote in his own journal that what Harrison doesn’t understand, he thinks that the displaced persons in the camps are human, and they’re not. The Jews, he wrote—this is General Patton speaking—are worse than human, they’re locusts, and they have no respect for human dignity. And he recounted taking General Eisenhower, soon to be President Eisenhower, on a tour of the displaced person camps, and he said that Eisenhower didn’t really understand how loathsome the displaced persons were, and he thinks that they have some human dignity, when really they don’t.
Patton, it turns out, was not only a virulent anti-Semite, but also held the Germans in a weird sort of place of respect. I also tell the story in the book about, in those displaced person camps, Patton went to the holding cells for the German POWs, the German scientists, and he sought out one in particular, General Walter Dornberger, who oversaw the production of Hitler’s V-2 rockets, which had been phenomenally successful and destructive in bombing London and Antwerp. And Patton brings him out of the cell and says, “Are you Dornberger? Are you the guy who ran the V-2 program?” And Dornberger said to him, “Jawohl, Herr General.” And Patton pulled out three cigars from his pocket and handed them to the Nazi general and said, “Well, congratulations. We couldn’t have done it.” And it sort of epitomized this attitude that he had towards the Nazis. He even defied an order from Eisenhower at one point, General Eisenhower, and maintained the Nazis as supervisors in the DP camps, because he saw them as the most competent group that the Allieds had.” – Eric Lichtblau
“But what Lichtblau’s book illustrates for the first time is the politics of the Paperclip operation, including pressure from the Reagan White House to dismantle its own Justice Department’s investigations into the war criminals’ pasts. In this way, the U.S. became a refuge for some of Hitler’s most notorious cronies.
Lichtblau reveals in the book that not all of Washington had collectively agreed to ignore the disturbing pasts of some of its chief scientific leaders. Quite the contrary — even while the White House and its intelligence agencies were quietly employing some of the Nazis’ best minds in the nation’s scientific circles, mostly in a Huntsville, Alabama, military community, the Justice Department was secretly building cases against them.
A covert investigative team, Lichtblau writes, began gathering evidence against the German transplants in the early 1980s, despite pushback from officials over investigating the scientists, who were well-established at this point.
The team caught its break in the form of the late Arthur Rudolph, the German who is still hailed as the father of the Saturn V rocket that took America to the moon. After building an overwhelming case against him — largely due to Rudolph’s own naive cooperation — the Justice Department succeeded in getting the scientist out of the country. Even while maintaining his innocence, Rudolph detailed to investigators how he had overseen the appalling slave labor conditions at Mittelwerk and acknowledged his own role in the factory’s executions of laborers.
A deal was struck that allowed Rudolph to renounce his American citizenship and go quietly back to Germany in 1984. He was never charged with a war crime, and passed away in Germany at 89 with his legacy intact.
After their success with Rudolph, Justice Department investigators launched a designated “Paperclip” team. Lichtblau writes that the team quietly opened investigations into more than a dozen Nazis who had become U.S. scientists and doctors at the unit’s height in the mid-1980s.
The team’s success, though, was short-lived.
Angry over having one of their top space heroes shipped out of the country, the Huntsville community sealed itself off to investigators and sought help from a powerful ally on Pennsylvania Avenue. As a result of their lobbying, the Reagan White House raised the hurdles standing before the Justice Department team.
Chief among those hurdles was Pat Buchanan, a trusted senior advisor to Reagan who was the White House’s communications director during the latter half of the Paperclip investigations. Buchanan staunchly defended the scientists, saying they were being unfairly accused and that Holocaust victim witnesses were unreliable.
“With the Paperclip scientists in Alabama finding themselves in the crosshairs of the Justice Department, they looked to the Reagan administration for help. Pat Buchanan, as always, offered a sympathetic ear,” Lichtblau writes.
Buchanan “believed the Justice Department had strayed too far from its mission in going after a much-admired scientist like Rudolph,” the book continues. “What Rudolph had done for American space exploration had earned him a right to stay in America. He would help them if he could, Buchanan promised.” – Nazis Helped Get Us To The Moon. The Reagan White House Helped Keep Them In The U.S.
U.S. honestly has covered the tracts, hid, and employed more Nazi’s then one may have thought. For some time, various positions of academia, the scientific, and intelligence communities in the United States had been safe havens for former Nazis. Still, these institutions cover up the tracts of many war criminals today.
The report catalogs both the successes and failures of the band of lawyers, historians and investigators at the Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations, which was created in 1979 to deport Nazis.
Perhaps the report’s most damning disclosures come in assessing the Central Intelligence Agency’s involvement with Nazi émigrés. Scholars and previous government reports had acknowledged the C.I.A.’s use of Nazis for postwar intelligence purposes. But this report goes further in documenting the level of American complicity and deception in such operations.” – Nazi’s given ‘safe haven’ in US, report says, NYTimes article.
That one time the United States considered asylum for the fascistic dictator that we put in place through an openly financed U.S. backed coup d’état to explicitly eradicate the democratically elected Marxist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, and the left as a whole pushing more radical demands.
“The government of Ronald Reagan was so worried that leftwing opposition to General Augusto Pinochet might erupt into open civil war that in 1986 the US government considered offering political asylum to the Chilean dictator.”
“Reagan admired Pinochet and wanted to go to Chile to personally thank him for ‘saving Chile’ and tell him [Pinochet] that ‘it was time to go’,” Kornbluh said, citing declassified White House records. “But George Shultz [then secretary of state] said absolutely not. Pinochet had too much blood on his hands.” – Source: Guardian
As well the U.S. honestly has covered the tracts, hid, and employed more Nazi’s then one may have thought. For some time, various positions of academia, the scientific, and intelligence communities in the United States had been safe havens for former Nazis. Still, these institutions cover up the tracts of many war criminals today.